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    No More Nuclear Sponges

    by Lt Col (ret), US Army, Darin Gaub It’s Time to Rethink How America Postures Its Nuclear Capabilities I know not with what weapons World War III will be fought, but World War IV will be fought with sticks and stones.– Albert Einstein ___________________ (National Park Service) Map showing the areas of the six Minuteman Missile wings on the central and northern Great Plains. The areas in black denote deactivated missile wings, and the red ones denote active missile wings. Growing up in Montana during the Cold War, I often found myself under a school desk as we went through frequent nuclear fallout drills. Montana is a state known as being a part of the “nuclear sponge,” where it is universally known that Russia targets our nuclear missile facilities, and we would absorb any large-scale nuclear exchange. They have not moved since they were built and that was eighty years ago. Even today Montanans who still know this threat exists are less inclined to hide under a desk and more likely to sit on the front porch with their favorite drink and watch the end of the world. We recognize that even if we were to live through a nuclear strike the world that followed such a holocaust is probably not worth trying to live in. We have the same attitude towards Yellowstone Park blowing up. Montana in the 1960s was not densely populated, and this was part of the appeal to building the silos here. The same is true for the other locations on the map you see above. In the 1960s Montana’s population was estimated at 680,000 people. Today it is nearly 1.13 million. Given the exodus of people fleeing states like California, Oregon, and Washington, our population is expected to increase. Yet we remain a part of the “nuclear triad” where America maintains land, sea, and air capabilities. The land-based options were viewed as necessary when it was thought the Russians (Soviet Union) were winning the balance of power, even though they were not. It is time to think differently concerning the positioning and deployment of America’s’ nuclear arsenal. I do not think it is wise or necessary to keep missiles in fixed locations that are so easy to target and increasingly surrounded by people moving into the affected states. We need to stop thinking of these areas as nuclear sponges, perpetually 30 minutes away from decimation, and as acceptable losses. We should develop new strategies that allow for rapid response and deterrence equally as effective as land-based systems. In fact, there should be no land-based systems anymore. F. E. WARREN AIR FORCE BASE, WYOMING. An LGM-118A Peacekeeper intercontinental ballistic missile points skyward from its position in a silo (1987) Source. Nuclear silos are typically 3.5-17.5 miles away from a launch facility and 3.5-8.5 miles apart from each other. In Montana, there are one-hundred missiles. They were installed in the 1960s and last updated in the 1970s. The technology inside the facilities has improved, but the missiles themselves need some work. The Air Force has a $400 billion plan to upgrade both the missiles and the facilities. I think we can make better use of that kind of money and acreage. America needs to rely solely on airborne and sea-launched missile systems. There are advantages to making this move. Americans are not at risk of a direct nuclear strike in the core of our homeland as adversaries would seek first to destroy our ability to respond. We could sell the silos and the land around them to citizens and reduce the cost to the taxpayer. Mobile nuclear launch systems in the air and under the sea are much harder to target than fixed facilities. Military risk is distributed by spreading missiles across multiple launch platforms rather than condensing missiles in three geographic areas. There is a reduced risk to the population by eliminating the need to move nuclear systems over land. As always, there are disadvantages at the outset of any plan like this. Some are fiscal and some are time constraints since this plan would require building more submarines and potentially airplanes. I do not see how maintaining the status quo out of fear of change is a good reason not to make those changes. We live in a highly connected world, with better technology and communications systems. Additionally, existing systems with a destructive potential far beyond what is necessary means we should adjust how we do business.[i] Much has changed since the 1960s; it is time to change how we posture our nuclear forces, too. The triad would be better as a duet. Lt Col (ret), US Army, Darin Gaub is a Co-founder of Restore Liberty, an international military strategist, foreign policy analyst, executive leadership coach, ordained teacher, and serves on the boards of multiple volunteer national and state level organizations. The views presented are those of the author and do not represent the views of the U.S. Government, Department of Defense, or its components. [i] I intentionally ignored any treaty obligations as part of this article and did not account for the funding process. Both may impact how this plan would be implemented but do not affect the validity of the argument. This first appeared in The Havok Journal on March 28, 2023. As the Voice of the Veteran Community, The Havok Journal seeks to publish a variety of perspectives on a number of sensitive subjects. Unless specifically noted otherwise, nothing we publish is an official point of view of The Havok Journal or any part of the U.S. government.

    Ukraine: Justifying A False Narrative Through a Bad Picture

    No, Ukraine is not the dam holding back Russia from trying to consume the rest of Europe by Darin Gaub, Lt Col (ret) I was sent this picture a few days ago and asked if it reflected reality geographically or geopolitically. My answer was a simple one to start: “No, if Russia wanted to try to invade and control the rest of Europe, there are faster and easier routes to do that. This picture reflects a false narrative whereby too many want to draw the United States and the West into another unnecessary conflict based on an unrealistic and dishonest threat scenario where Russia’s goals and capabilities are inaccurately advertised.” Expanding on my statement, let’s consider the following from solely a geographical perspective. • To claim that Ukraine is the path Russia would choose to use to pursue the remainder of Europe is like saying the United States intends to invade Mexico but only use the Baja Peninsula. Each of these examples is choosing the hardest path forward and would make no sense if, in Russia’s case, Europe was the goal and not only Ukraine in total or in part. • History instructs us that any invading army would use three routes to move east or west. One is generally through the Baltics, the second through Belarus, and the third through Ukraine. As someone who planned many contingency operations for large-scale possibilities on multiple continents, I would never recommend that Russia invade Europe by way of Ukraine. There is no logical military reason to do so when the central and northern routes allow much faster access to Europe with fewer impediments. Cutting Ukraine off from Europe would also be more effective than invading Ukraine at its strongest defensive points. • I could go on, but these points are the major ones necessary to answer the question I was asked. The contingencies I planned for in Eastern Europe take up multiple binders; there is no way to account for that in a short essay. But it’s more dangerous than a simple lack of understanding of what is happening in Europe and the world today. This picture reflects the assumptions of those who’ve bought into the false narrative intended to lure the Western world into a wider conflict. This conflict could grow to its worst form, a nuclear exchange between two of the world’s superpowers, though I think the odds of that are low. Here are the critical assumptions behind the picture and why they are wrong. Russia wants all of Europe. Russia does not desire to invade Europe and inherit its problems. For example, it would rather sell energy to the countries of Europe for the benefit of the Russian people. Imagine what a major conflict covering the European continent would do to the nations Russia invaded and to Russia. This has happened in one form before, and Russia would only become the owner of a terrible situation where nobody benefits. If we want to stop fomenting war in Europe, stop expanding NATO. Russia can take all of Europe. Russia spent the last three years taking a sliver of Ukraine; they are not capable of taking on all of Europe/NATO anyway. Not too many years ago, I told a room of senior officers that Russia is not the boogeyman we make it out to be unless we are trying to make an enemy. Another example of the tail wagging the dog. Make no mistake, Putin is a thug, and so is Zelensky. We must work with the leaders of nations even when we find them distasteful. Imagine being another nation dealing with Biden for the last four years; our hands are not clean. The simple military reality is that Russia does not have the military and economic capability to invade and conquer Europe. Russia would only have a typical poorly led military if it did not have nuclear, space, and cyber capabilities. Dangerous, to be sure, but not an existential threat to Europe’s existence. (The use of nuclear weapons would change things so much I’m not going to account for that.) For the sake of argument, let us assume that the map below is accurate enough to demonstrate this military reality. Over three years of constant war, Russia managed to control the areas in red inside the red box. The selection includes the Crimean Peninsula, which Russia took over in 2014 without firing a shot. It is unrealistic to assume that a nation on a war footing that took three years to capture that limited amount of land could take over most of the land shown on the rest of the map. Ukraine is just a country trying to secure freedom from an evil oppressor. This war is terrible, and the suffering on all sides should not be happening. I’ve always stood with the people who suffer in war rather than align with their governments in an oversimplified binary good-versus-evil construct. To look for corrupt governments and officials in Ukraine and Russia is easy; it’s easy to do the same to our United States government. Zelensky canceled elections, closed churches while jailing pastors, eliminated the free press, and is overseeing the sale of untrained citizens to human traffickers who capture people, cuff them, and drop them off at the front with no training and only sometimes a weapon. The middlemen of this operation are military and police forces who make money from the sale and avoid the front lines simultaneously. Sadly, one must assume that much of that money came from American taxpayers. Ukraine was corrupt before the war and still is. So is Russia. This does not justify continued killing, nor does it mean we should be unwilling to try to bring both sides to the table and end the conflict. It’s better to deal with the reality in front of us than to keep saying, “Ukraine, good; Russia, bad.” NATO expansion is not a legitimate concern to Russia. We Americans often fail to put ourselves in the shoes of another person or nation and seek to understand their perspective. We also forget history too often. Understanding where another nation’s leader is coming from does not mean agreeing with them, but it is critical to begin to understand their actions. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the creeping growth of NATO is the primary threat to Russia from their perspective. Therefore, Russia will not tolerate a NATO presence in Ukraine, much less having them as a NATO member. Russia views Ukraine much like China views Taiwan; their position is non-negotiable, and we need to acknowledge that going forward. Our counterargument is that NATO is only a defensive alliance, so Russia’s concerns are unfounded. Russia points to NATO action in the Balkans in the 1990s and NATO leadership in Afghanistan and surrounding nations to prove its point that NATO is an offensive military organization that it does not want on its doorstep. Imagine if, during the Cold War, Russia expanded the Warsaw Pact to include Mexico and Canada. Would we sit back and let that happen? Russia is an aggressor to the point that world peace is at stake, and no other risks are higher. If we stay too focused on the front lines between Russia and Ukraine, we miss a lot of what’s happening globally. China is the most significant risk to the United States, militarily and ideologically. If that threat continues to grow unchecked, we could have a much bigger problem on our hands. We need to do what we can to bring the war in Ukraine to an end and explore a different future. One where Russia could even grow closer to Europe and the West. Before we self-righteously determine that this is a horrible idea, we need to consider if it’s better to keep pushing Russia towards China. I am simplifying this possibility to prove a point. We must live in the real world, not an idealized world. I prefer to maintain positive ties with Russia despite all we know about them, then to see them become an even bigger ally of China. Russia and China are historical adversaries, but through our actions, we could force them closer together, and that’s a scenario where we lose. I have skipped over or simplified a lot of history to make this a short essay. I would encourage all interested in these topics to read histories about Ukraine and Russia, the post-Soviet era history of NATO expansion and the war in the Balkans, and Sino-Russian relations. For now, I hope I have been able to dispel some of the myths about how the Ukraine war is about stopping Russia from invading all of Europe. Though I welcome European nations spending more for their defense, I don’t think we will see the Russians try to throw a victory parade in Paris. Some will disagree, and I welcome the debate. _______________________ Lt Col (ret), US Army, Darin Gaub (@DLGaub) is a senior geopolitical and military strategist, former Blackhawk helicopter pilot and Battalion Commander, executive leadership coach, ordained Bible minister, and serves on the boards of multiple volunteer national and state-level organizations. The views presented are those of the author and do not represent the views of the U.S. Government, Department of Defense, or its components. He can be found on Rumble and Substack. As the Voice of the Veteran Community, The Havok Journal seeks to publish a variety of perspectives on a number of sensitive subjects. Unless specifically noted otherwise, nothing we publish is an official point of view of The Havok Journal or any part of the U.S. government.

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